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by The Eternal Imperial Regency of Persagonian Republic. . 5 reads.

President Reza Mortazavi of Iran (OUTDATED)

President Reza Mortazavi

Reza Parviz Mortazavi

President of the Interim Government of Iran

Assumed Office:
11 February 1979

Prime Minister: Mehdi Bazargan (LinkFMI)

Preceded by: Position Established

Personal Details


May 28, 1946 (age 34)
Isfahan, Iran



Political Party:







University of Tehran
- Degree in Political Science


Shia Islam

Ideology Information

Political Ideology:

LinkSocial Democrat

Economic Ideology:

LinkMixed Economy

"I will either be the country's greatest traitor for working for the Americans that overthrew our democracy or its savior for saving democracy from the Mullahs. I am content to die as either a villain or hero for Iran. For if I die to as a villain and a traitor, I would rest easy knowing that Iran remains a democracy"
~ Reza Mortazavi, or Mufti

Note: This is basically Amir Khatami revised to fit Iranian 1980s standards

Reza Mortazavi is an Iranian revolutionary and politician serving as the first President of Iran since 1979 after the Iranian Revolution. He was also a political activist whose activism was noted for his vocal opposition against the autocratic government of Shah Pahlavi throughout the 1970s. Reza is one of the principal leaders of the Iranian Revolution that toppled the decrepit Pahlavi dynasty from power and ushering in an era of republican democracy. He is the youngest leader in Iranian history. As a secularist who had a history of defying the Shah; he lended great credibility to the liberal-secular faction of the revolution and helped them to "piggyback" on the political power of the Islamist in the Revolutionary Council. Ideologically a secularist and nationalist, his policies and theories are dubbed as "Mortazavism".

Early Life

Our President is actually a spy working for the CIA as part of the CIA's project called OPERATION ZENITH. An operation conducted by the CIA to plant loyal agents into the political scene or government of a country. They are otherwise known as manufactured opposition or manufactured leaders as part of the RATTLESNAKE secret organization. These agents were taken and conditioned at a very young age. Reza has been a CIA spy since he was young and his humble origins as a village boy in Isfahan was made up by his handler to give him a past to look back to as well as a story to inspire the Iranian people. Which is why his opponents are suspicious about the lack of records of Reza's time in Iran.

In actuality, his father joined the protest against the Shah during the 1953 coup and was killed by Shahist thugs and Reza became an orphan before landing on an missionary-run orphanage as a front for the CIA. From there, he was selected among a group of candidates to become so-called "Infiltrators" and went through rigorous ideological brainwashing to adhere to American values of freedom and democracy as well as close quarter combat to breed the next generation of loyal-American political activists and potential leaders in the Third World. The CIA had implanted false memories on Reza's mind through drugs and Reza could only remember brief flashes of his times in a CIA compound. He was set on to be a Manchurian candidate in Iran propped up by American government and interest.

Reza Parviz Mortazavi was born to Marzban Ervin Mortazavi and Nasrin Mazdaki, on May 28 of 1946, in Isfahan, Iran. He was the eldest and only surviving child of four children. Reza's siblings would only die from illnesses such as malaria which was widespread at that time. He was born to a low-class family who made a living out of selling tea at small tea shops in Isfahan's bustling area. Reza would often run small errands for his father such as delivering tea in exchange for "tomans". Reza was described as being very naive, precocious, and restless by his father. A precocious kid, he was exposed to much of the working and social life of an adult through his errands and socialization with the elderlies. His father would make sure that Reza would grow up to be a pious and a man "willing to die as a martyr" by enrolling him to religious schools where he was taught about the history of Islam and recited the Qur'an with ease.

Very early on in Reza's life, he grew an interest in politics and had developed an affinity for Iran's impoverished. Growing up in an ultraconservative Islamic family, his father was an ardent critic of the Shah. His father's opposition to the Shah attracted much attention from the SAVAK. Reza's father would teach him about the increasing decay of social morals and social injustice of the Pahlavi dynasty's rule in Iran. In turn, Reza would come to oppose the Pahlavi imperial rule and once got in trouble for it at school for criticizing the Shah. This cemented Reza's mindset as a politically vocal and rebellious boy. Reza's family would spend most of their life living in Isfahan seeing their tea shop family business booming. In 1953 as Prime Minister Mossadegh's government was ousted in a CIA-backed coup. Reza would participate in a civil demonstration backing the Prime Minister and became increasingly active in the political situation inside Iran. His personal life outside politics consisted him playing soccer on a hot sandy day, studying at a religious madrasah, and learning to play the setar from his father. Reza would also work as a young and prudent adolescent at the age of 13 to gather money for college at Tehran mostly through doing chores at Iranian bazaars while simultaneously studying at a local high school in Isfahan. Years of hard work coupled with a flourishing family business landed the Mortazavi family into an acceptable financial living condition.

Reza Playing Tennis
as a College Student

Using the money saved from him and his family hard work, Reza would enroll into the University of Tehran to obtain a degree in Political Science in 1964. His enrollment was during a period of increasing youth participation in Iranian society as well as where the Shah's imperial regime began to consolidate power. While studying in college, Reza would learn and study many literature and intellectual works from Western academics. He would later be influenced by Western political thoughts of liberalism and secularism while still maintaining a nationalist political outlook. Reza in his college years was known for his vocal political views and active involvement in campus life inside the university. He would frequently participate in political rallies, conduct soapbox speeches, and get involved in the campus' debate club. This earned him quite the attention and worry from professors due to his vocal opposition towards the Shah while at the same time, earning the admiration from his like-minded peers around him who saw injustice in Iran.

One of Reza's most famous acts during his university years was strolling around Tehran's most impoverished urban areas and photographing it for students to see in 1965. Throughout his journey, he became outraged by the massive economic inequality and corruption plaguing Iran. Reza would become more populistic and fierce in his rhetorics which earned him the accusation of being a communist sympathizer of Tudeh despite identifying himself as a (national) liberal himself. He would also earn the attention of the SAVAK and was once threatened by the secret police on separate occasions. In 1966, Reza would discover and become involved in the National Front and its splinter group, the Iran Party, after attending a student youth meeting of the party. Reza by this time became openly critical of the Shah's attempts in consolidating power and establishing an autocratic rule over Iran.

He would fall into trouble with college and local officials for participating in an anti-Shah political rally yet again and was threatened with eviction if he ever continues his political activities. Fearing repercussions, he would succumb to their demands and maintained a low-profile opposition towards the Shah by writing literature and poetry with deep anti-authoritarian meanings which became well-received at the time. He would graduate college in 1968 and earned a degree in Political Science. He would immediately turn his attention to politics as a political activist and member of the city's council despite his young age.

The Early Years

Reza would enter the world of governmental politics at the age of 21 in 1970 by running for a position in Tehran's city council. He had formally joined the National Front in the same year and became a member after gaining much support. As city council member, Reza was active in proposing bills and passing laws and was a well-known public figure during that time. Many saw promise in the young politician for his charisma and headstrong personality that made him so distinct from the rest. A public-speaker, he is known for his informal direct engagement with council members and citizens of Tehran at public speeches. This would kickstart Reza's political career and give fame as a youthful politician with a modest and rebellious background. During a time of rampant corruption within Iran's local administration, he was particularly known for being a man of integrity and honesty.

Evin Prison in the 1970s

Reza's years as a council member marked a turning point in his life as he was able to reform the system under his vision within albeit limited to Tehran. He was able to gain considerable influence within the city's administration and became the de-facto second-in-command of Gholamreza Nikpey's mayorship. Although, he would often come into conflict with Gholamreza on political matters regarding the Pahlavi monarchy and also faced opposition from the ulama in Tehran due to his strong secularist beliefs. While working as the city councilor, Reza's bills aiming to alleviate the economic burden on the impoverished residents of Tehran passed with much ease and he was also focused on improving education inside the city by successfully campaigning for allocating government funds to the education sector. This made him a widely popular figure among Tehran's poor and he was nicknamed as the "Rising Young Sun" for his deep involvement in politics in his early-mid 20s despite his very young age.

Despite being a widely popular and active politician, Reza would attract the attention of the Pahlavi imperial regime and the SAVAK secret police more than ever before. He would also become more politically radical and began espousing pro-democratic messages more openly at public rallies. Reza who was known for being firm in his liberal values became one of the leading oppositional figures of the Pahlavi monarchy. He began holding speeches and rallies deemed threatening to the regime as well as exposing many of the Shah's cronies appointed as administrators on charges of corruption. In 1971, Reza criticized the nation's extravagant celebration of the Persian Empire to be inappropriate as Iran was still relatively poor at the time.

The Iranian Revolution

Khomeini's "Unexpected" Death Paved the Way for a
Power Struggle Between Islamists and Nationalists

The imperial regime became tired of Reza's relentless vocal opposition towards the imperial establishment and sought to remove him in any ways necessary. On March 1974, Reza was abducted by the SAVAK secret police inside his home and was imprisoned in Evin Prison. His National Front party membership was stripped away after the regime put pressure on the party. While in prison, Reza was the subject of torture as a political prisoner and described it as "one of my hellish years in life". However, he is determined to fight for democracy even behind bars and as such, would conduct speeches from his prison cell to be broadcasted to the Iranian people covertly. However, news of Reza's imprisonment was leaked and spread throughout the nation and later internationally afterward. The imperial regime failed to cover up the story of his imprisonment. He would be in prison for four years from 1974-78. This move only heightened the socio-political tension in Iran and invoked a sense of opposition towards the monarchy which reached a climax point in 1978. Many civil rights activists throughout the world also called for his release and he quickly became an iconic symbol of opposition towards the Pahlavi regime. His imprisonment and several other political prisoners sparked the Iranian Revolution and he was quickly released in April 1978 to mediate the situation amidst the revolution. Reza, being opposed to the Islamist segment of the Revolution, organized a secular nationalist faction and rallied the Iranian masses towards democracy in the Iranian Revolution.

During the Revolution, Reza Mortazavi regularly conducted speeches against the Shah and calling for his abdication. He opposed the Islamists of the Revolution and considered them to be a hindrance towards Iranian modernization. Although he would keep his opposition towards the Islamist quiet and reluctantly accepted to cooperate with them knowing that their faction is incapable of leading the Revolution alone. Reza would organize protests and opposition towards the Shah in Tabriz, Isfahan, and Tehran together with the Islamist faction. However, opposition remained moderate as the Pahlavi regime still held control over most of Iran's institutions. Demonstrations broke in different cities where the Shah's Imperial Guards, Imperial Army, and the Shahrbani would be deployed to quell the uprising. Hundreds were left dead around Iran after the demonstration brutally repressed by the Shah's forces. This only provoked the Iranian populace to take drastic and violent action. Violent and armed protests sprung up around Iran's urban cities which left property damage and loss of civilian life in its wake. Reza initially called for a peaceful resolution and protest but later changed his mind and stated: "some blood needs to be spoilt to move the wheels of the revolution". Opposition towards the Shah became more cohesive and an agency was created under the orders of Ruhollah Khomeini (still in exile). The National Front of Iran would also come to support Reza's secularist faction and refused to cooperate with the Shah. Amidst the revolution, the Shah would undertake many liberalization efforts to lessen the flames of the Revolution from June. All seemed well until in August where Cinema Rex was burned down and hundreds died in the fire. The Iranian populace blamed the fire on the Shah which only intensified the opposition once again.

Reza Delivering a Speech
Amidst the Iranian Revolution

Reza and Karim Sanjabi met Ruhollah Khomeini in France to broker an agreement signaling an official alliance between secularists and Islamists. However, Reza was distrustful of Khomeini and insisted that the National Front and its secularist allies take subversive actions against Khomeini and the Islamists in private. Reza and Sanjabi would return to Tehran and began organizing the secularist opposition together with the Islamists led by Shia clerics and Khomeini. Reza would commemorate the deaths of students and called them as "martyrs" in Iranian mosques. A military government was appointed by the Shah to lead Iran amidst its revolution. Reza and the opposition quickly condemned the military government, stating it was a "military junta". Protests continued and Reza, as well as his secular and liberal followers together with Islamists, participated in the Tasu'a and Ashura marches. Symbolizing a seemingly unbreakable alliance between secularists and Islamists. Although Reza was certain that Khomeini and his compatriots would quickly assume power after the Revolution and was opposed to his faction. Khomeini's return to Iran on 1 February was greeted by numerous revolutionaries as well as the populace in which Reza, leading the secularists and liberals, greeted Khomeini and conversed with him on private regarding the revolution.

The start of Shapour Bakhtiar's premiership symbolized a change in Iran's revolutionary history and was quick to negotiate with revolutionaries in which they (including Reza) refused to do so. However, Reza was supportive of Bakhtiar's plan to make the city of Qom a Vatican-like nation for Khomeini but made sure to keep his opposition towards Khomeini a secret. Believing that the Iranian populace saw him as a semi-divine figure. With the Shah leaving Iran and handling all power to Bakhtiar, armed battles occurred throughout Iran with Khomeini's provocation and call for an armed resistance to overthrow the monarchy. Mutinies became frequent among military units which effectively turned the tide of the revolution in favor of the revolutionaries. Prime Minister Shapour Bakhtiar left the country in fear of retribution in February. Revolutionaries under Reza's order and approval took over governmental and communication buildings which effectively ended the monarchy in Iran. After the end of the revolution, Khomeini died on 10 February from a heart attack in which his funeral was attended by millions and millions of Iranians. Reza cynically remarked, "he has lived to his usefulness". A provisional government was created by the Revolutionary Council in which Reza became President of Iran for his significant contribution to the Revolution (as well as to appease Iranian secularists and liberals).

Presidency of the Interim Government (1979 - 1981)

Civil Unrests in Tehran
Reza Mortazavi ascended to the position of presidency in 11 February of 1979 after the end of the Iranian Revolution. Reza represented the 'Secularist' faction of the Iranian Revolution that demanded a western-style democratic republic instead of an Islamic republic espoused by the 'Islamists'. However, his faction faced opposition from the ultraconservative segments of the Revolutionary Council and Reza would often be at odds with Shia cleric Morteza Motahhari and Mohammad Beheshti. Tensions within the Revolutionary Council only heightened after the end of the Iranian Revolution. The Secularist faction of the Revolutionary Council would enter into an uneasy alliance with the Islamists in managing the new Iranian republic under a unity government. The new government formed by the Revolutionary Council was dubbed the Interim Government of Iran in March 1979.

Reza would become the interim government/republic's first president for his key role in the Iranian Revolution as the representative of the republican secularist faction inside the Revolutionary Council. He would appoint Islamic democrat and moderate Mehdi Bazargan as Prime Minister in April as part of a compromise with the restless Islamist faction within the interim government. Reza's unity cabinet would be composed of secular moderates and religious radicals. The situation in the Interim Government would prove to be chaotic as political instability grew within the system. The economy after the Iranian Revolution would worsen as inflation rates grew and growth rates decreased as oil production was disrupted by the revolution. The socio-political situation in Iran would become turbulent at this point as street fighting continued after the revolution and political upheavals occurred in Iran.

President Reza Delivering
a Speech in Mashhad

The incessant political disputes and conflict between the secular nationalists and radicals proved to be problematic for the new interim government as it struggles to get any meaningful reforms done. Moreover, on the international stage, tensions with Ba'athist Iraq grew in 1980-81' which could lead to a potential military conflict anytime soon over the Shatt-al-Arab Waterways and Khuzestan. Iran's oil industry would also struggle to compete in the international oil business after the revolution. Iran's socio-political life was also in a deep state of fear of a possible civil war amidst continued political instability and sparks fear of another oil crisis like in 1973 in the West. The nation also faced regular guerilla fighting from left-wing and separatist rebel groups in rural areas thus exacerbating Iran's precarious domestic situation. Despite this, Reza is a decisive and headstrong statesman whose presidency is certainly destined to lead Iran out of its unstable, precarious state as the true future president of a secular Iran. However, he needs proper mentorship from political veterans when it comes to steering Iran into the democratic path due to his youthful naivety that could only prove dangerous in maintaining the fragile Secular Democratic - Islamist coalition government. Reza has often had doubts about the success of democracy in Iran during a turbulent period of the Middle Eastern Cold War.

He finds it difficult to compromise with the restless Mullahs whose influence has grown day by day at the expense of the interim government and has to regularly face increasing demands from Iran's Islamist populace. He also realizes that the Interim Government's governmental powers are being threatened by the clandestine deep state Islamic Revolutionary Council led by Ayatollah Esmail Farhani. This leads him to have a cynical point of view towards the future of Iran and slowly begins to believe that his efforts in introducing democratic modernity in a traditionalist society like Iran is ultimately futile. Nonetheless, his insistence on maintaining the democratic values of Iran and completely devoting his trust to the judgement of the Iranian masses may lead to his downfall as president. As the majority are hostile towards the concept of secularization and modernization under the Pahlavi dynasty but he is willing in fighting to change that perception.

Today, the young and charismatic Reza is in his first days in office after the conclusion of the Iranian Revolution. Heading a unity government composed of republican secularists and Islamists. His government would face opposition from the most radical of Islamists of the Islamic Republican Party and the far-left from the likes of the Tudeh Party, Organization of Iranian People's Fedai Guerrillas, and the People's Mujahedin of Iran. With his allies only being the moderate Muslims, the liberal middle-class segment of Iran's population, and the remnants of the Shah's military with his support of the workers' slowly slipping away as economic situation continues to worsen. Reza as president is now entrusted with preserving the young Iranian democracy from internal and external threats while aiming to secure a secularist majority within the Iranian government and lessening the influence of the ultraconservative Shia clergy while resisting pressure from the radical Islamist faction. It is uncertain how Reza will manage to lead Iran into a new era of stability and secularism.

Policies of the Interim Government

Many of Reza's radical progressive and secular social policies were shelved because of a prevalent presence of the conservative Islamists faction inside the unity government. However, Reza's policies mostly aimed to rebuild Iran both economically and politically amidst a turbulent period in its history. While appeasing opposing factions within the Interim Government. He leads the secular-liberal (comprised of the National Front politicians, intellectuals, former Shah officials, technocrats) in Iran and passes his faction as a group of "nationalists" that want to restore Iran's former prestige. Other factions within the Revolutionary Council such as moderate Islamic politicians of the Freedom Movement of Iran, military officials, Shia clerics following the Quitest thought (abstaining from politics), and even the Tudeh movement are at alligned with him or at least on friendly terms with his faction. All united by a shared goal of preventing the revolutionaries from establishing the Islamic Republic.

  • Iranian Republic Referendum of March 1979
    On 11 February 1979 after the end of the Iranian Revolution and Prime Minister Bakhtiari's subsequent resignation, a referendum was held to determine the fate of Iran. The referendum held in 30 and 31 March of 1979 resulted in the creation of an Iranian republic. It was approved by 98.2% of the nation's eligible voters with dubious legitimacy. The Pahlavi monarchy was then swiftly abolished and the Interim Government of Iran was established to ensure a smooth transition to multi-party democratic, republican rule in Iran. A referendum is set to be held on December of 1979 to determine whether or not Iran would become an Islamic republic or a secular one.

  • Iranian Democratization
    Far-reaching social and political liberalization policies were enacted after the fall of the Pahlavi monarchy. Rights to free speech and assembly were introduced, trade unions legalized, political parties were formed, a multi-party democracy was established, civil and political rights were greatly expanded, and the SAVAK secret police was dismantled as a result (but later reformed as SAVAMA). This laid down the basis for a free (albeit flawed) and democratic Iran in a rather authoritarian Middle East.

  • The Tabriz Trials
    A series of fair tribunals were held by the Interim Government after the end of the Iranian Revolution. The trials were held in the city of Tabriz which earned the nickname 'The Tabriz Trials'. The trials were most notable for the prosecution of prominent members of the government and military of Imperial Iran. Corrupt officials loyal to Shah Pahlavi were imprisoned while many imperial military commanders involved in the Iranian Revolution were given life sentences in jail much to the radical's disappointment as President Reza had use for them. Agents and directors of the notorious SAVAK secret police were executed but SAVAK officials of importance survived in part due to intervention by the Azadegan Organization. Overall, 275 figures were imprisoned under the tribunals.

  • Appointment of Mehdi Bazargan as Prime Minister
    As part of a compromise with the Shia clergy and Islamist faction of the Interim Government. Reza would appoint Iranian scholar, academic, and political activist Mehdi Bazargan as Prime Minister on April 4th. Mehdi Bazargan is described as an Islamic democrat and moderate from the Islamic faction of the Revolutionary Council. Mehdi Bazargan tenure as Prime Minister has seen relative pacification of the political situation in Iran through his excellent negotiating skills and attracting support among the Islamic majority for the new republic he would envision as a 'democratic Islamic republic' much to Reza's disagreement. Relations between Reza and Bazargan has been very cordial for the most part and Bazargan was instrumental in rallying the moderate Muslims and politically neutral clerics on Reza's side.

  • Five Year Plan
    To solve Iran's economic recession, Reza would instate the Five Year Plan through majority approval from the Parliament. The Grand Economic Plan consisted of a series of welfare expansion, public work projects stimulus, financial reforms and economic liberalization enacted during the early 1970s and 80s. Iran's economy would be redirected to a social market economy with a strong emphasis on the free market and social welfare. Reza would also appoint experienced and educated economists to head Iran's economy and state-owned businesses which resulted in a steady economic growth. Inflation, poverty, unemployment rates and economic inequality would gradually decrease after the passing of the economic program. To solve the widespread food shortages issue after the revolution, Reza would invest more money in industrializing and modernizing Iran's rural agricultural sector through large-scale mechanization and many progressive methods of farming. He also sought to secure the low-income Bazaari workers and merchants' support for the government by giving them financial support and promises of protecting their businesses from encroaching foreign corporations. Reza had plans for Soviet-styled land reforms but this was opposed by the land-owning Islamic clergy.

  • Reformation of the National Iranian Oil Company
    With Iran lagging behind in oil production after the revolution had left the National Iranian Oil Company in near bankruptcy. Oil revenues and production decreased as a result of the revolution. Reza would consult with many of the nation's leading figures in the oil industry in order to save Iran's oil industry from the economic recession felt by it. Large-scale reforms were instated by the Interim Government. Such reforms included an overhaul of the NIOC's structure, reorganization of its oil industry, as well as expanding its infrastructure to assist its oil production. Since then, the oil industry has largely been stabilized as production have steadily grown without any disturbance. Reza also introduced a deal with the British Petroleum Company to introduce a 50 - 50 share deal where the company agreed to half-nationalize the company after being pressured by the US. It is due to be approved on 1982 as Iran intends to train competent civil servants to manage the company.

For & Against

    These ideals were never his own but rather indoctrinated into his brain by his CIA handlers since childhood
  • For: Iranian Nationalism, Social Democracy, Progressivism, Egalitarianism, Women's Rights, Cultural Preservation, Meritocracy, Republicanism, Workers' Rights, Democracy, Secularism, Environmentalism, Armed Neutrality, Regulated Markets, Realpolitik, Turkey, Pakistan, Egypt, Jordan, and the Non-Aligned Movement

  • Against: Fundamentalism, Religious and Political Radicalism, Sharia Law, Wahhabism, Salafism, Regressivism, Sexism, Racism, Anti-Semitism, Imperialism, Authoritarianism, Totalitarianism, Ba'athism, Fascism, Communism, Military Interventionism, Saudi Arabia, Syria, and Iraq

Involvement in the CIA

Symbol of the SAVAMA that
Worked Closely With the CIA

In actuality, Reza is actually a spy working for the CIA and Mossad under the codename "Mufti" some time before the onset of the Iranian Revolution after being released from prison. He is involved in a sub-unit of the CIA called "RATTLESNAKE" responsible for regime change in the Middle East by implanting foreign political activist into positions of power. His background as a noted student activist and vocal critic of the Shah was fabricated by the CIA as he and his father were political exiles from Germany. He was inserted into the limelight of Iran's underground resistance and political scene in Operation Mazda order to act as a counterbalance to the growing Islamist and Marxist influence in the Shah's opposition group with the CIA correctly fearing that the Islamists were gaining an upper hand over the liberals and moderate conservatives.

His motive for continuing to work with the CIA and to put up with their experiments was to prevent Khomeini from seizing power and to take revenge against the Shah. He was the one who actually assassinated Ruhollah Khomeini by poisoning him then shyly took over the front lead of the Iranian resistance against the Shah who was beginning to become unreliable for the West. He also worked for Mossad by ensuring that Iran were to continue covert cooperation with Israel while paying lip service in supporting Palestinian independence at the wake of growing Iraqi expansion. His opponents suspect his ties to the CIA owing to his out-of-place liberal views in Iran and what little history they know of about Reza's time in Iran. However, his American handlers are beginning to question his loyalty by the day and may suspect that he and his newly-installed democratic regime may go rogue someday. Even turning to the Soviets and playing double agent for the KGB for the sake of counter-acting American influence.

President Reza and CIA Handler President
Jimmy Carter in the White House

Reza was also complicit in bringing the CIA's Operation Gladio into Iran albeit he was forced to do so. Operation Gladio was an CIA operation where the CIA fielded special stay-behind agents in Western friendly country in the case of a Soviet invasion. Reza was also a stay-behind Gladio operative himself during his stay in Germany in the 1960s - unwittingly help monitoring Iranian leftist student's activities in campus and reporting them back to his handlers who would later report it to the Shah. Operation Gladio would later extend its influence into Middle Eastern countries such as Turkey, Israel, Saudi Arabia, and Iran. A ministry was specially created for Operation Gladio to be carried out. The ministry was dubbed the Ministry of Specialized Warfare or MSW and it was said to have closely worked with the SAVAMA intelligence agency and even Dariush's Azadegan deep state organization for the eradication of communist influence and to subvert Islamist political power. The MSW was a best-kept secret from the public and the Islamist with only a key select government officials knowing of its existence. MSW operatives would regularly oversee the covert gradual deployment of American, Israeli and British paratroopers into Iran to contain the possibility of a "Worst case scenario".

Operation Gladio was successful in a number of key areas being the erosion of public support for guerilla groups such as the MEK and the Fedayeen people's guerilla through unsavory methods such as false-flag terrorist attacks that contributed to the sharp increase of political violence in the Years of Lead. It also muddied the water for the political Islamists by controlling the media to falsely accuse Islamic revolutionaries about their "moral indecencies" that spelled scandal for Ayatollah Farhani's faction. Yet it also gave financial and political support to the far-right Pan-Iranists and their paramilitary death squads to terrorize leftists and Islamists where the Pan-Iranists are supported by the CIA without Reza's knowledge or support.

Years of Lead

The political chaos, upheaval, and crisis that ensued after the Iranian Revolution was called The Years of Lead in Iran. The wave of political violence occurred from 1979 until 1981 which was during the peak of the Iranian Revolution and Islamists attempt at creating a cultural revolution. It was a multi-faceted political war that involved the government, leftist guerrillas (MEK and Fedayeen), the Tudeh communist party, Islamist mujahideens, and far-right Pan-Iranist death squads fighting each other openly in the streets or in the country side where the guerillas waged a low-level insurgency against the government.

The Years of Lead in Iran

The so-called crisis became muddied and the warring faction's purposes unclear with many foreign state agencies such as the CIA and MI6 supported juxtapositionly between the government and Pan-Iranists, the Saudis supported Sunni mujahideens, while the Soviets supported Arab insurgents in Khuzestan and the Tudeh party in a battle between four powers. The Years of Lead blurred the lines of ideologies and religion and the leaders of these warring factions were either primarily interested in maintaining their power or to seize control with ordinary Iranian civilians being a small prize to pay for this political battle royale. Iran experienced its own cultural counter-revolution with the rise of leftist and Islamists student activists in part due to the relaxation of universities and political expression. The youth made their presence known through a series of mass protests and the workers regularly conducted strikes in order to get better wages.

The Iranian Years of Lead could be described as a "civil war" and political acts of terrorism were commonplace such as assassinations of high-profile figures, bombings, robberies, kidnappings, mass shootings, and plane hijacking. Whether they were carried out by terrorist cells or even as false-flag operations by Iranian Gladio. Media narratives exacerbated the political tension within the country where newspapers and privately-owned news media cater to the specific needs of a partisan population. Fueling the divide by creating narrative-driven news to suit their political agenda and to create echo chambers for the Islamists and secular nationalists of the country where they now fight openly on the streets and political debates now tend to get heated. Politics have become muddied in the country.

Personal Information

Reza currently resides in the Sa'dabad Complex as President of Iran. Being the youngest leader of Iran in history, he still hasn't thought about settling down and creating a family of his own although being the womanizer he is, there are plenty of options for him. Though most of his relationships are short-lived. Described by the media as an underdog and a rising charismatic star in Iranian politics, he enjoys popularity (along with his looks) among Iran's educated segment although shunned by ultraconservatives. He tries to balance his work-life as president with little time for leisure. However, in private life, he is notoriously known for his debauchery among his inner circle where he is infamous for alcohol consumption and surrounding himself with numerous foreign mistresses. He regularly held orgies to appease his lust and has been described as being overall inept in his social life due to being a closet alcoholic and an overall mess despite having a knack for politics. This lifestyle is concealed from the public to protect his public image and popular support. While he continues his debauchery; he puts on a smile for the camera and use his charismatic oratory skills in charming the populace to go in-line with his views. He admits that he was a never a clean or upright politician but argues that his ideals are genuine and he sincerely has Iran's interests in his heart in spite being forced to serve America since birth.

Personal Trivia

  • While being held captive in Evin Prison during his time as a political prisoner. Reza is exposed to many of the SAVAK's brutal torture methods. Such methods included having his feet getting whipped at or his fingers beaten by the buttstock of a G3 rifle. This would leave him temporarily paralyzed and he tries hard to forget the event that happened.

  • As President of Iran, Reza is the target of many political assassination attempts mostly conducted by the far-left and religious radicals. However, being an experienced hand-to-hand fighter, Reza is able to restrain most of his assassin's attempts at killing him.

  • Reza Mortazavi has become a personal friend to many leaders of the international world during his era. Reza would become close friends and political allies to American President Ronald Reagan, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, and German President Helmut Kohl. He is also a friend of many Middle Eastern leaders such as Egypt's Hosni Mubarak, Pakistan's Zia-ul-Haq and Turkey's Kenan Evren. Oddly, he maintained close links with General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev and Libyan dictator Muammar Gaddafi.

  • Years of studying abroad have exposed Reza much to foreign culture and literature. Reza's literary skills can be described as "excellent" for Iranian standards. The president is fluent in Persian, English, Arabic, and is currently studying German.

  • Reza is a fervent admirer of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. He owns a marble bust of the Turkish president on his office desk and would be delighted to hear if his colleagues call him "Father of the Iranians" akin to Ataturk's "Father of the Turks".

  • While working for the CIA and Mossad; Reza has learned CQC, karate, and krav maga to make up for his broken fingers from his time in a SAVAK jail cell in Evin Prison. He's personally armed with his personal G3 rifle - the same rifle used to break his fingers in Evin. A buttload of drugs had been injected into him from morphine to excessive amounts of painkillers as a member of RATTLESNAKE. Reza stated that he felt numb from the pain and chaos that engulfs Iran.


“These people that chant my name might consider me as hero but I don't consider myself as one. That would be best for history to decide.”
- Reza Mortazavi

“The Shah carried the country through modernity by dragging it kicking and screaming. I intend to maintain his reforms but with a lighter hand.”
- Reza Mortazavi

“The images of Iran that you see where the people are seemingly happy and unveiled women having fun in Western-styled bars only represent 1 percent of Iran and they are the elites of the country that benefited from the Shah. If you want to see the fate of modernity, look outside the windows of suburban Tehran. Inequality is widespread in the countryside and they remain backwards from years of neglect. I, myself grew up in a mud village. I want every Iranian to experience the modernity and liberalism that the 1 percent elite enjoys.”
- Reza Mortazavi

“We are surrounded by enemies at all front. The Sauds to the south, the Soviets to the north, Iraq to the west, and China to the east. They want to destroy our democratic experiment but currently and most noticeably, that effort is being undermined from within...”
- President Reza Mortazavi

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