Pan-Svalbardian Nationalism: Definitive, desperate, then defunct

Throughout the existence of the Serene Republic of Trondelang, many Svalbardian people had the opportunity to travel to far-flung locations due to the vast territorial holdings that the republic acquired over its 700 hundred year long existence. These people often settled down and started lives in these new locations, leading to pockets of ethnic Svalbardians existing throughout different regions of the world - this was not just limited to territory controlled by the Serene Republic, and many took to living in the land of different countries.
These people generally had close connections to the rest of Svalbard whilst the Republic existed, however, after the March on Trondelang (Chapter 3.32) and the subsequent establishment of the Imperial government (Chapter 4.1), an isolationist policy was implemented that left the Svalbardians living outside of the home islands detached from the culture of the nation of Svalbard. This separation led to a distinction being made between Svalbardians who continued to live in the home archipelago, the and people who lived outside of it (keep in mind, Svalbardian in this instance refers to all ethnic groups native to the island, not just the Svarizians). This second group also had many subsections based around geographic location or social standing. Most notable were the Plantagenets: groups of ex-government officials who continued to have influence in the governments of numerous nations into the 20th century.

The idea of Pan-Svalbardian Nationalism (PSN) did not take shape until the middle of the Troubles (Chapter 5.8): new leader of the Senate of Trondelang and head of the junta, Iliston Speareana, talked a great deal about her goals for unifying the country; one of these was that all Svalbardians everywhere had the inalienable right to live together in a single state, free from the oppression of foreign rulers and endowed with all the same rights as a regular Svalbardian; this idea was pushed further by her daughter, Stefaní, whose five-point manifesto in the civil war included the policy of Wølfír (welfare): safety and security for all Svalbardian people from all manners of destitution. The seemingly intentional wording choice of 'all Svalbardians everywhere' and not just Svalbardian people implied that this didn't just apply to the Svalbardian archipelagos population, but to all far-flung Svalbardian people living in other countries. Whilst at the time PSN was not a properly developed or defined theory, Iliston and Stefaní's speeches laid the foundation that later theorists would build on.
Despite this, the idea of unity with Svalbardians living outside of Svalbard-proper was not particularly enticing in 1866, as the nation was still wracked with two centuries of terror and violence and needed the rebuild itself before it could even conceive expansion. However, throughout the Age of Recovery, the economy greatly improved and Svalbardian art took shape once again; this newfound wealth led some to question whether it was right to keep it all to themselves, or if it should be spread to the Svalbardian population not living in the state. This question was exactly what was on the mind of author Lev Kharkov in 1881; after the PSR had successfully initiated wide-sweeping social and economic reforms that greatly improved the lives of the population, Kharkov, in his book 'What is to be Done?' questioned whether the government was ethically right to make reforms for Svalbardian people, but for these reforms to then not reach those not currently living in the state. Three years later, famed Civil War general Cets Mashanabjar wrote his own take on the topic simply titled 'Our Duty': this book coined the term Pan-Svalbardian Nationalism, and described how Pan-Svalbardian nationals were the fifth ethnic Svalbardian group, and that the nation could not be complete without encompassing all of them. These two books became instant hits, with 'What is to be Done?' becoming the greatest selling title in the domestic market of all time (proportional to population).
All territory claimed by Pan-Svalbardian Nationalists, shown in red

Although support rose throughout the population during the later half of the 19th century, the two main parties in the PSR and SDL didn't see much of a reason to push for the demands of Nationalists, as their focus to that point was more on internal issues. This lack of care for what the public saw as a major issue started to cause disputes within both parties, and as both parties refused to change tact, disgruntled members of both parties came together to form a new group; the Livrosky, or Liberals. Whilst this new group had multiple other grievances with the two major parties, their main selling point was support of Jingoist policies and PSN: the support of a Pan-Svalbardian state in the general population was demonstrated by the following decades being dominated by the Livrosky, as they didn't lose a single election and remained as the largest party in the Senate until after the War of the Third Coalition in 1921. The dominance of the Livrosky forced the other parties to ultimately fold and pursue their own expansionist policies - although different parties prioritised different areas and for different reasons: the SDL wanted to take the territory most strategically valuable, to enable further wars; Livrosky hoped to gain the most economically important land first, the the MS wanted to free people from the most oppressive regimes first; all ultimately had the same idea of uniting the Svalbardian people into one state.
Jingoism particularly ramped up after the Titel Peace Accords were officialised (chapter 6.14): Svalbard had fought bled and died greatly in the war against Kkhano, however they received very little territorial compensation for their efforts. This greatly angered the Svalbardian population - far more than anyone expected - and as such the political parties were forced to push even harder for territorial expansion: even the left-wing Popular Front government had to make an official statement denouncing the treaty on March 5th 1922, making way for reversing it and expanding Svalbardian territory.
Throughout the 20th century, Svalbard fought numerous wars across the world; there were many reasons for all of them, from containment of a nation growing too strong to protection of an ally or putting down a dictatorship, however all of them had one thing in common: there was an undertone of fighting for PSN, and in every war territorial expansion was pushed for under the pretense of reuniting the Svalbardian people with their home nation. There were many successes on this front; the Toxizabeth Spears Queendom was eliminated and Svarizia and the Magyar ports were retaken; war with Grenopia saw Hakir and the Sapphire coast reclaimed; an alliance with the USSNDR saw east Brastillia regained; and intervention in the Impeckan civil war allowed for occupation of the south. However, almost all of these territorial gains wouldn't last, and there is one glaring reason for this: the Magyar-Kjanuan War (Chapter 6.24) did not directly force Svalbard to relinquish any territory it had gained in the previous two decades, however what it did do was cause yet another severe change in the common conscious of the people.
You see; the problem with territorial expansion was that it involved fighting a lot of wars, skirmishes, or other types of conflicts; surprisingly, this got people killed, and as Svalbard's population was not large to begin with, it simply couldn't afford the lose of life multiple large wars caused: the War of the Third Coalition alone caused the Svalbardian population to plummet to almost a quarter of what it was before the war. Whilst none of the wars before it were nearly as bloody, the Magyar-Kjanuan War saw a similar lose of life, and as such the extreme suffering caused by the pursuit of the policy of PSN was exposed. Ranhaus Bobker's following Socialist government fully abandoned the policy by selling off the less valuable and harder to control territories in order to finance extensive social programs, however the idea of PSN remained in the minds of the people for many years to come. Svalbard's outer territories would slowly become separate from the Alpine Kingdom, but the policy's official death is seen as being in 1970: this saw the end of the Melodian War for Independence, where despite winning, the government simply allowed for the Melodian people to decide whether they would like to stay in the nation or not - this apathy which allowed for what used to be seen as an integral part of Svalbard to become independent from it demonstrated the lack of care for PSN in the modern age, and nowadays anyone seen campaigning for it is often labelled as out of touch or just a bit daft.