Circumference

Republika Łukowii - 1437 AH

Wings and Tracks - The Summer Orders

The procurement decisions of summer 1437 did not arrive as a single announcement but one after another consecutively, each one a consequence of assessments made through the preceding months of training, evaluation, and the kind of institutional learning that only comes from actually using equipment rather than planning to use it.

The Ground

The Szybki Niszczyciel-1 had spent the months since the first unit's formation doing what the military had designed it to do in peacetime; training, exercising, and generating the accumulated experience that turns a collection of vehicles and crews into something that functions as a coherent fighting force. The doctrine that had been described as still being written when the unit formed had, by summer, been written sufficiently to be evaluated, and the evaluation had returned results that satisfied the relevant commands across the board.

The vehicle performed within its design parameters in the roles envisioned for it. The crews had developed the working patterns that made the three man arrangement function despite its compromises. The attachment exercises conducted alongside tank division elements had produced enough data to confirm that the independent unit with flexible attachment concept was viable in practice rather than just on paper. None of this was revolutionary. All of it was necessary, and the military's procurement office had drawn the logical conclusion.

An order for 120 additional Szybki Niszczyciel-1s was placed with Łonan Engineering Works, to be delivered by the end of the year to allow two new units to be formed and worked up on the same model as the first by the following summer. The identical complement was a deliberate choice; the first unit's structure had proven itself and there was no compelling reason to redesign what was functioning, particularly when the doctrine now existed to be handed to the new units rather than developed from scratch. Łonan's production facility, which had absorbed the lessons of the first sixty vehicle run, was in a better position to deliver the expanded order efficiently than it had been when the original contract was signed.

Three units of Szybki Niszczyciel-1s, once the new formations were fully worked up, would give the army a tank hunting capability that could be distributed across its operational formations with genuine flexibility. The doctrine was still young but it was growing each passing day.

The Air

KZL's production floor in the summer of 1437 looked different from what it had been eighteen months earlier, and the difference was not merely one of volume. The facility that had been proving the M.12 concept through evaluation trials was now a functioning multi-line production operation running two aircraft types simultaneously.

The M.12 line was now running at a capacity of twenty aircraft per month, a figure that had taken longer to reach than the optimistic early projections had suggested and that the production managers had consequently learned to trust more than those projections. The B.23 light bomber line ran alongside it with it being in service long enough that its production presented no surprises.

Into this established line came the summer's orders.

The Łukowian air force placed a request for 45 M.12s, expanding the frontline fighter fleet that had begun with the initial twenty delivered at year's end. Planned to enlarge the fleet, while also serving as an opportunity to delegate the older planes still in service to either training purposes or to be fully retired from active service.

Alongside the domestic order came confirmation of something that the export conversations begun after the M.12's acceptance had been working toward. Sveynland, which had purchased M.11s and operated them with sufficient satisfaction to return as a customer, placed an order for fifteen M.12s. The number was modest but it was still an opportunity to establish a foundation for future sales. To that reason the decision was made to fulfill the Sveynish needs first within a month then to turn towards making the domestic orders.

The B.23 order of 20, processed alongside the fighter requests, was made to adress a branch that was long ignored, with only 42 planes the Lukowian bomber fleet was one of smallest forces among the armed forces. The B.23 had been in service for a long time however it had proved itself to be a reliable workhorse that would have to do until a newer version of light bomber was developed or the decision to purchase was made.

At full production across both lines, KZL was looking at a three month window to complete the combined orders; 60 M.12s between the domestic and Sveynland requests, 20 B.23s alongside them. The production managers had run the numbers and confirmed the timeline was achievable without compromising either line's quality standards, which was the answer the procurement office had needed before signing the contracts.

The M.13 remained on its testing bed at the edge of the facility, its development proceeding with the patience that Iosifich's radial engine program required and that KZL's main production lines could not afford. It would wait. The orders in front of it would not.

On top of the orders, the armed forces engineering department had requested the development and testing of larger aircraft with twin or even triple engine configurations with further ranges and possibly bigger payload capacities. What the departmant wanted was a bomber fleet and a heavy fighter escort that could follow it into the enemy's heartland to see their mission to completion.

But almost everyone knew that Lukowia did not possess the capabilities to produce such aircraft in numbers...

Carnolian Republic | 1437

Preparation

Since taking over Carnolia, it had been a busy few years for the Regierungsrat. Headed by former Imperial Carnolian Army officer, Laurin Radnitz, under a firm ultranationalist authoritarian dictatorship, with the help of the council and the state party, the FNR (Front zur nationalen Rettung; National Salvation Front), virtually transformed Carnolia over the past 4 years. The country has been battered and humiliated by the victors of the Boreal War, left to rot under mountains of rising debt, a traumatized society, diminished power on the continent as well as a government that couldn't function even if God intervened. With chaos spilling in every direction and the onslaught of the Great Depression, the country nearly tore itself apart.

The FNR was instrumental in shaping the political landscape of today. Under previous President Benjamin Vogelstein, Radnitz was made Chancellor and his second in command, former ICA officer Florentin Bain, made Minister of Internal Affairs, enacted a state of emergency in 1433 after the Crimson Night, a workers rebellion in the capital city of Poel. Throughout the year, using significant loopholes in the constitution, the pair slowly dissolved the need for the Nationalparlament as well as eliminated rival political leaders behind the scenes, one of which included the head of the SA (Sozialistische Arbeiterpartei; Socialist Workers Party) (NOT TO BE CONFUSED WITH THE BROWNSHIRTS IRL!!) Florian Winkler in 1434. After Vogelstein's death in February 1434, Radnitz cemented himself as dictator of Carnolia, appointing Bain as chancellor. The new Regierungsrat (National Council) was established as the new supreme authority of the state and Radnitz instituted Operation Contrast, a mass purge of all left-leaning officials and military officers not completely subservient to the FNR and the leadership of Radnitz, culminating in over 200 people being killed in socialist persecutions over the course of the four days Operation Contrast was underway.

From 1434 to the present day, Radnitz transformed Carnolian society. Enacting policies to strengthen the cult of personality around his reign, he instituted discriminatory policies that prioritized the wellbeing of the "common Carnolian", establishing restrictive policies against state religious establishments as well as foreign nationals within the state, particularly the Otherlings, which were heavily discriminated against, many being restricted from working in certain high-level fields, attending government or educational establishments and even voting. Thousands of Otherlings began fleeing Carnolia in underground escape routes called the "Franchised Railway", where many sympathetic to Otherling causes helped relocated a significant portion of the Otherling population within Carnolia. Many others found their homes forcefully taken away from them and relocated to less well-off areas of cities, in designated zones where undesireable people were sent to live, against the agenda of the FRN.

Starting in 1436, Carnolia also began to further engage in international politics, with both good and bad intentions. With principles like "Wohnen", Radnitz's Carnolia sought to expand its realm to accommodate for future peoples of the nation. For that, it looked East, particularly towards Nourita. Catching wind of both not!fascist and not!communist struggles against the ruling government there, Radnitz had the head of the Rechtschaffene Wache (Righteous Guard), the Carnolian military police and underground intelligence agency, Viktor Kehrer, tasked with creating contacts with the leading not!fascist coalition in Nourita, dispatching agents to make contacts with the leadership of the coalition and establish ties, potentially promising backing in funding and weaponry to increase not!fascist activity within the nation. Radnitz's plan was to create a pro-Carnolian government in Nourita, hoping to create a chess piece heavily in favor of Carnolia on the continent, making it a critical building block in building future hegemony of Carnolians on the central continent. Additionally, Carnolia also began showing good faith to its other neighbours, Lukowia, by signing a beneficial economic agreement that would see the Nationale Eisenbahngesellschaft AG sell strong cargo and passenger locomotives for the Lukowian Railway. Additionally, ties were also strengthened with Shouling, a behemoth from Estria, where Carnolian businesses began establishing strong bases of economic activity within the large Shouling market, engaging in many high-profile and high-skill industries such as shipbuilding, high quality steelworks and shipbuilding.

One chess piece to move was also Carnolia's ties to Aberllyn. They were the key figures in ensuring nearly a decade and a half of economic turmoil and social chaos within Carnolia. And no doubt both nations had strained relations following Radnitz's rise to power. However, in a surprising twist of events, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, under Minister Joachim Wegmann, proposed talks that would cool off tensions between the two countries, establish stable trade relations as well as start building diplomatic ties that could be acted upon on the world stage. Additionally, Carnolia began offering several manufactured goods such as appliances, engineering and electrical equipment and refined resources to other smaller parties in Euralia, particularly nations such as Sveynland, Polingo, Lukowia and Verdezia in exchange for importation of raw resources. In mid-1437, both Carnolia and Verdezia made a major step together, meeting in the city of Amersmond to sign what was locally known as the Amersmond Memorandum, but internationally known as the Pact of Friendship, signed by Carnolian foreign minister Joachim Wegmann and Verdezian foreign minister Salvador García, it solidified a military, economic and political alliance between Carnolia and Verdezia.

1438 AH
The Votes, the Ships and the Money

Well the time has arrived. The elections will soon start, The Social Democratic party of Oren has been the unconquered party for years, with a few close calls in previous years, however this year is diffrent, after the raids on both communist and facist bases and weapon stockpiles, both the Orenian Nationalist Party and the Communist party of Oren have lost a signifcant amount of support, being the most unlikely to win the elections. The Social Democratic party main rival is the Conservatist party, which got 33% of the votes last election. The biggest second party in Oren last year was the Socialist party of Oren, however due to the incident with the communist and facist their support may have dropped. Meanwhile the Social Democracy party has been making visits to quite a few cities to gain support from them, will it be succesful who knows.

Meanwhile for the navy there is a plan to expand the current fleet with 2 cruisers and 2 destroyers currently on the lookout for any nation to sell or build them for Orenian navy, this move is made due to the Weak Orenian Navy consisting of not much ships.

The Economy has been doing very well, the companies in Shouling have been bringing in profit and the tax cuts for the Orenian Companies have allowed them to expand as well as produce more and sell more. All has been going well essentially. In Shouling the companies have been slightly helping poorer families by allowing the children to work. However taking inspiration from Lukowia the nation is considering to introduce a minimium wage as well due to seeing the positives for the workers.

This is truly great for the country at this time... but how long that will last... is unkown.

1438 AH | Shòulíng Republic

New Guard

The allied government between SLMZ and RJD was not working. Nothing was. While many in government hoped the outcome of the elections would help the two parties to compromise between eachother to hopefully bring some stability to the Republic, it in fact did the opposite. While the previous SLMZ dominated government struggled to pass many bills due to coalition backlash, and the RJD-led coalition failed to achieve reforms due to significant lobbying by pro-SLMZ industrialists and politicians, it now meant no laws managed to pass due to near-consistent gridlock in the government. Regardless of which side presented a bill for debate, it would find itself outvoted by the other party, leaving no work complete and a government in disarray. A major crop failure before the 1437 winter season in the eastern plains led to scarce food security among the working class and peasantry, which the government could not act upon. The RJD heavily championed food relief, but the SLMZ immediately shot it down, refusing for the government to get involved into the food market, letting the local businesses foot the bill to provide food for the local populace. Prime Minister Hao Guanyu attempted to call a last minute vote on the proposition after managing to gain critical votes from several SLMZ politicians, but President Xiong Chen immediately shot it down once it was proposed. The act caused an even deeper rift between the SLMZ and the RJD and nearly led to Prime Minister Guanyu's resigning.

However, as the second half of 1437 was flowing by, the military was getting unsettled now. The persistent economic difficulties in the nation steadily reduced the military's budget from 1436 to 1437 and the officers as well as the soldiers ended up being paid less and less. Despite such difficulties, the military were able to gain into possession new equipment, especially since tensions between Shouling and Orora were becoming more and more prevalent. Many of the higher up officers within the SFA were actually heavily aligned with the RJD, one of which being Field Marshall Xuan Gengxin, who had actually managed to get popular support for Prime Minister Guanyu within the army. But the persistent inability of the government prompted many in the military leadership to start vying for political influence in the republic. By September, many older officers began getting involved in local elections, but that instantly began to clash with candidates from the SLMZ, who attempted to gain political clouts by singling out former military officers as "potential warlords" that would use their influence to break the country apart into autonomous regions. That did little in their efforts to curb the military's influence in politics and, being egged on by the RJD's push for reform, they began using pro-SLMZ officers in the army to begin establishing control in the country through military force, with President Chen and General Lang Xieren using military force to station their presence in both Samhung and the neighbouring city of Gangwei.

That sparked a panic within both the SLMZ and the RJD as this looked like an attempted coup for the SLMZ to take full control of the nation and forced Prime Minister Guanyu to call a government conference and hopefully establish a compromise. But while President Chen attended the conference along with the majority of the SLMZ representatives, he left General Xieren stationed in Samhung and outright refused to recall troops from the city. With the conference soon turning into an openly heated debate along party lines, the hope for compromise collapsed and Prime Minister Guanyu resigned the next day, which became the final straw for the RJD and they effectively walked out of the Federal Assembly. The withdrawal of the RJD also affected the military, and under Field Marshall Xuan Gengxin, it showed that the only way to establish order was through military force. By the end of September, under orders of Field Marshall Gengxin, General Meng Xuefeng marched the 6th "Xia" Infantry Division into Samhung to displace General Xieren, only for a firefight to break out as both generals and several units from both sides met in the Golden Square in southern Samhung. During the fight, General Xuefeng ordered a full assault on General Xieren's forces. After nearly four hours of fighting, the battle took 59 lives and managed to wound over 100, one of them being General Xieren himself, who took two bullets to his left thigh. Samhung came under complete RJD control and while the SLMZ tried gathering supporters from the military, many became alienated due to SLMZ fierce hands off approach to the economic issues within the country that began affecting the functionality of the economy. Fighting continued throughout October as Field Marshall Gengxin's forces occupied Gangwei as well as establishing firm control over Xieren, Hanying as well as the major northern cities of Jianhong and Xia, effectively establishing his presence as a "warlord", with a significant portion of the Shouling Federal Army behind him. For his efforts, he was awarded as the General Chief of Staff of the SFA, with overall command of the entire army (minus the navy and the air force).

President Xiong Chen was immediately removed from his position, replaced by Prime Minister Guanyu as interim president. But behind the scenes, the actions of the military have left the RJD in an unstable position. As November ticked over into December, the trigger was pulled, and Interim President Guanyu was pushed out of his position. The new military faction within the RJD ended up splitting from the main party and, with support from Field Marshall Gengxin as well as a big portion of the general staff, they established the Fùbì Zhènxiàn (FZ; Restoration Front), which was led by General Xuefeng, General Zhong Li and former RJD political officer Wan Su. With the 6th "Xia" Infantry Division already holding Samhung, Field Marshall Gengxin and General Xuefeng marched with the additional 9th "Kaenan" Infantry Division into Samhung and proclaimed the resignation of the Interim President, announcing the Gengxin-Sun Declaration and proclaiming a brand new government headed by the Fùbì Zhènxiàn, effectively taking control of the governance in Samhung and the leadership of the Shòulíng Republic by mid-December, with nearly four months of near total political chaos.

From mid-December to today (as of writing, the end of January 1438), the now dubbed Jingguān government launched themselves into a massive and ambitious reform program. Democratic elections were suspended after the Occupation of Samhung in October 1437 and, after the FZ came into power, Wan Su was named as Interim Chief Governor, with Field Marshall Xuan Gengxin as the Deputy Governor. Remnance of the political faction aligned with the RJD soon became absorbed into the FZ, many having joined the new government. The reform planned called for several areas to be completely restructured:

• Amendment of the 1407 Constitution concerning the powers of the head of state and head of government
• Breaking government restrictions in their involvement in the economy
• Passage of new economic and trade reforms, aiming to strengthen domestic competition against foreign competitors
• Discarding tax and land privileges for foreign businesses (which will affect Kiberia (Okruzzhensyia), Polingo, CRMF Carnolia and Orora businesses in the Republic), conforming them to universal standardized tax rates as domestic companies
• Drafting new taxation laws, that would help establish a standardized, consistent rate of tax for different goods, land sizes and income rates
• Establishing new workplace laws and safety regulations, strengthening child labour laws and establishing pension programs for retired workers
• Restructuring of the Shouling military branches
• Restructuring of government ministries and eliminating inter-ministry co-operation on national projects and future reforms

The series of reforms aimed to untangle the mess of the federal system that was created by the 1407 Constitution, permitting multiple ministries to co-operate on government projects and divide workloads based on given specialties, seek to strengthen domestic companies that were quickly being driven out of the market by much stronger foreign companies, enabling the government to directly intervene in the national economy through any means necessary as well as establishing labour laws that would enhance the safety and work conditions of workers in major manufacturing firms (upon the completion of said reforms, both domestic and foreign companies will be, by law, required to follow these regulations).

Against all odds, due to the nature they secured power over the governemnt, the Jingguān government was met with waves of popular support, particularly due to the SLMZ-RJD splinter in early 1437 as well as their immediate action to appeal to the needs of the population as opposed to appeasing their target supporters. Many pro-RJD supporters applauded the new leadership for showing intent in helping the national economy back on track and prioritizing domestic companies over favouring foreign competitors. The pro-SLMZ supporters, on the other hand, still held reservations. While many showed some support due to government promises on establishing a functioning bureaucracy, many feared that the military would take total control of the government and that the nation would steer towards an authoritarian dictatorship (*cough cough*... foreshadowing) while major pro-SLMZ industrialists turned their backs against the Jingguān government due to their aims to reform the taxation and worker safety policies, being more concerned with their bottom line and profits over worker conditions. Many also hoped foreigners would be forced to pay more in taxation as opposed to both sides having to pay an equal amount of taxation based on land area and size of labour.

Despite these factors, the Jingguān government position was shaky. With an internal election coming up for the future leader of the nation, many in the country still weren't entirely sold on the new administration and many in the government feared a possible future insurrection. Many in the lower class in more remote, rural areas were mostly unaware of the political situation in Samhung, so the base of support many opponents of the government could get would mainly be focused on urban centers, many of which were in support of the government. But how the new administration will handle the administration of the nation remains to be seen. But, according to the plan announced, there is new hope that the Republic could establish itself as a formidable nation in the world.

Okruzhennsiya - Military Expansion & Economic Recovery - The Path to Okruzhenn-led Globalization

The last few years had been quiet for Okruzhennsiya in regards to global affairs for the most part. Economic recovery had taken top priority, and still there was room for repair. Developments in rapid manufacturing and increased steel production were still early on, as were dockyard and railway expansions across the long eastern coast. Immense political and economic capital had been invested into this rapid "re-industrialization" as some were calling it. What success there already was had almost entirely been from job creation. A combination of a small, yet steady increase of employed citizens, alongside a slumped economy meant that normal consumption was slowly beginning to revive. It is critical however, to understand that the economic slump from nine years ago is not fully over. Consumption and GDP growth still hover under pre-depression levels, and there is a general sense of discontent across the nation. For the ruling class of Okruzhennsiya however, this was both a threat and opportunity. All that was necessary was to take the poor feelings of the nation, and turn them toward an external enemy. Someone to blame, someone to triumph over. A sense of unity that could drive nationalism into the hearts of the people, and money into the economy again. And it was for this reason Okruzhennsiya began to look outward again.

It was true that Okruzhenn capitalists were already making money hand-over-fist. Private industry had expanded into Polingo, Sveynland, and of course Shouling. Steel, oil, and timber extraction had been successful here. Much of which flooded back into Okruzhennsiya to be sold to Okruzhenns. And yet, there were two very real problems. One was Shouling's new government. A military coup. While it was true that Okruzhennsiya was not concerned about the "violation of democracy" in Shouling. It was concerned with a much more real problem. That of its foreign assets. While nothing had been nationalized, its privileged spot in the growing Shouling economy had been snubbed by these economic nationalists. Okruzhenn industrialists had been foaming at the mouth to send a fleet to Shouling shores and "convince" them to agree to the old government's agreements. And yet, how could the Kravchuk administration convice its people that this was a just war? There was simply no stake in it for the average person. Besides, the navy was still in a long-term project. It was not ready to overwhelmingly overrun the Shouling Navy.

A much more convincing problem was Lukowia. They had developed an economic and military agreement with many of Okruzhennsiya's neighbors. While true Okruzhennsiya had deals with these nations of its own, such actions by an openly hostile state could not be ignored. The conditions were perfect. The average person had a threat much closer to home, and the ruling class could even be seen "sacrificing" their investments there. Thus it was settled. A letter was sent to Lukowia, asserting Okruzhennsiya's claim of the northern regions, the regions that had a large Okruzhenn population. This was not about treating people right, but strictly a border issue. The Kravchuk administration therefore made it quite clear it was willing to come to the negotiation table, but remarked rather plainly that it was willing to escalate.

The military developments had indeed borne some fruit in the meantime. The navy expansion plan had already produced three Gnevny class destroyers, three Podvoisky class destroyers, two Kotovsky class cruisers, and two Mikoyan class heavy cruisers, adding the first several ships to the new naval plan. This was in part thanks to the adoption and standardization of electric arc welding for ships, replacing rivets. This enabled a rapid reduction in production time. However, ships could not yet be ran right off the docks and into the ocean. Jobs that were created by this major program were still being filled, factories were still adapting to the new production methods, and some hulls even suffered from brittle steel, causing cracks and production delays, often times holding up entire assembly lines. Yet the adaptation was well underway, and teams were being retrained.

Two aircraft had also been introduced. The I-16 and I-17. Both were similar fighters in terms of weight, armament, and speed. However the range on the I-17 was 100km longer, and its service ceiling was roughly 2,000ft higher than the I-16. A seemingly strange choice to establish production of two similar fighters was made to create strong aviation engineering experience. The Okruzhenn government had given guaranteed contracts to aviation companies, and the state was beginning to debt spend to revive its consumer and military industries.

[covert]
Another letter was sent to CRMF Carnolia. It detailed a congratulatory letter to the newly installed dictator. In it were hopes of economic and industrial cooperation, with Okruzhenn companies willing to open in Carnolia and build war material.