The Hole To Hide In

Rp: military patrols
Over the aractin issue althaia has been keeping watch and helping the vra defend and plan any incursion for the future. The Althaian IPC ship fleet has started to patrol the waters of the VRA to deter any other group from attacking by sea. With the ANC and other groups still being violent the althaians have sent additional aid to help bolster the defenses of the northern vra borders. Althaia has also sent up troops to help reestablish control and peace in the city of alastor after the burgoundians left In defeat which of course was celebrated by the military not like a big celebration more like a round of applause but they turn their focus back to helping vra with Puhaetelas help.

Rp: rimalet
With rimalet applying to the acci. Other althaian diplomats were sent over to the nation to establish ties and talk about trade and opening an embassy of althaia within the the nation. Some althaian corps see rimalets potential but haven't fully decided on investing in the nation as they're still somewhat focused on the whitecandle islands but are weighting the possibilities of investing in rimalet.

RP: Deep Dive

▁ ▂ ▃ ▅ ▆ ▇ ▌- Syntex Shemfutt Tadkhim ComBine -▐ ▇ ▆ ▅ ▃ ▂ ▁

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The subaquatic extraction operations are operating at full capacity, supplementing a constant supply of materials, resources and other natural goods to be processed, arranged, categorized, deposited through underwater mining stations, including repositories which contain a surplus of unused materials. Extraction facilities are overall - decentralized - though the rate of extraction remains in a continuous optimal state of efficiency, to only preserve the extracted materials and continue extraction operations, which is drawn upon by the operating entities of Yrram, as diplomacy is constantly maintained with regional polities, the overall void in manufacturing infrastructure outside of the internal frame (..henceforth designated as I.f) in combination with an insignificant amount of landmass for construction, has led to expeditionary means. However, as stated, subaquatic facilities have been constructed, even if solely for extraction, the direct territory monitored by the autokill protocol leaves a great expanse of oceanic habitats, while not unfamiliar, it provides a certain number of inconveniences for the industrial apparatus of the state, but all resources are to be drawn upon; subaquatic and mid-aquatic construction are to commence for the establishment of manufactorums for production, infrastructure for civic facilities and transportation, amenities to accommodate other integral installations.

However, a format will be procured for the construction schematic of mid-aquatic construction sectors: Manufactorum Zill, Manufactorum Illuva, and Dockyards. Manufactorums are specialized industrial estates reserved for the establishment of an automated construction grid, specifically integrated into the framework of the starship for the purpose of planetary colonization, which is initiated as of today, the manufactorums serve as a conglomeration of a myriad of hybridized industries, though the primary Scouting Initiative Pattern XXVI under deployment by Yrram is designed to be a high-density, compartmentalized structure, intended for the maximum coverage of the given space and materials, while simultaneously comprise of several essential production facilities for rapid colonization. In stature, the manufacoturms of the scouting pattern are not as particularly advanced or industrialized in comparison with other patterns, but the patterns serve to simply cover the rudimentary basics of planetary colonization; but if the comparing target is a standard industrial park of, for example, [Gora], the pattern is in a level of advancement foreign to the development experienced by this world, as per the starship designation, Verium Vétoille Komendaer, its main directive is for the swift colonization of planetary hosts and the local systems, one of the few technological systems absent in the Warranty of Infra-planetary Establishment's limitations.

Nevertheless, the arrangement of the schematic for Manufactorums Zill & Illuva is to categorize by levels of descension from oceanic surface:

(-) Level O - Surface: Primary Scouting Initiative Pattern XXVI framework, purposed for civic and low-to-mid intensity facilities. (Ex: Armaments, Circuitry..) Including trade and other sectors of strategic financial interests.

(-) Level Alberta - Nigh-Surface: Beginning of sub-aquatic environment, directly below the Level O - Surface. Purposed for minor storage, other excellence calibration facilities, and general side-supportive amenities.

(-) Level Bermou -> Level.. Zelio - Mass Rapid Transit (MRT): Primary connective passage for transportation of materials, vehicles and other goods between all levels.

(-) Area Mairne - Colony: Subaquatic settlement for sensitive facilities and infrastructure outside of Yrram, such as databases, military and high-intensity production facilities.

(+) Notation: Manufactorums are of explicit privacy, it was previously discovered that orbital satellite nodes were able to capture the starship and its related activities, a series of security installations to negate the probabilities of information-based intrusion will be constructed around the autokill parameters, it will not restrict all transmission of data and frequencies to allow international use, it is preferable for local networks to register itself in Yrram databases, such as ArdenNet.

The Dockyards is an establishment purposed for the transportation of infra-planetary travel, though for the case of Kalrania, it will serve as the central civilian interaction zone due to its width for non-essential accommodations and facility capable of hosting an extensive number of modes of transportation. Despite preference for direct diplomacy established through the medium corp, in the case for the necessity of a neutral ground for intergovernmental affairs, or other affiliated prospects, the Dockyards are to serve as its representing seat of the government of the starship, thus in turn, convert the structure into a civilian-designated zone, the future facilitation for the visitation of foreigners is among its given rights. Other duties which may be assigned to the Dockyards remain incomplete, until the demand arise for a function to be installed into the Dockyards - with flexibility above the structured connective system of the manufactorums.

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Aractin Regional Post

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National News Channel of Aractin
Stece Leuainh Daillet Sagiel
National News Channel Network
SLDS

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RP - Default Imminent, says Financial Observers
[Nation(s): De Koninkrijk Bourgondie and Hsiangzhou]
Prior to the Aractin Civil War, the previous Republic of Aractin, founded in 1941 after the 1st Aractin Civil war, was not in a great state both politically and financially.
Entering into the 21st century, Aractin suffered a long period of political indecision, rising corruption and a decline in quality of life. While the population in Aractin rose by a massive amount, from a mere 32 million people in 1942 to 193 million in 2000, the nation’s wealth would not keep up, although wealth in Aractin could’ve certainly been distributed in a more evenly manner, which would limit the portion of the nation living in abject poverty, strong control over the central government held by the elites (which mainly consist of the descendants of landed elites from the past era, as well as monopolizing ‘upstart’ corporate interests) meant that despite repeated promises to distribute wealth more equally by politicians both in and out of power, no meaningful changes were implemented.
During this time as well, growing political unrest and crime saw large increases to military and police funding which began to create a massive hole in the government budget, as unrest from internal discontent and ethnic struggles grew, more and more of the state budget began to be spent on suppressing dissent and militarizing the police force. This logically led the Republic to incur a larger and larger budgetary deficit year after year, by 2004, the conditions began to grow so dire that many buyers of Aractin’s bonds grew concerned regarding the ability of the Republic to pay back its debts, as such, borrowing costs massively skyrocketed which only further doomed the Republic. By 2006, following news of the attempted coup, confidence in the ability of the Republic to pay back reached nearly zero, as such, in a frantic attempt to avoid total bankruptcy, the Republic was essentially forced to slash large amounts of its social funding, various existing programs and essentially whittled the government down to a shadow of its former self.
As expected, although this did improve their financial condition, this was so incredibly unpopular that a majority of the population seemed to be eager to vote for literally anyone else which would not simply be another puppet for the ruling elites. Despite this momentum however, the chosen party that was the Populist Party would fall short of victory by a few hundred votes, and after repeated calls for recounting and stories emerging of fraud, the nation was sent into a civil war.
With the civil war ongoing in Aractin, the Republic now the NFA would suddenly find that many of its initial supporters were not so loyal to its Republican messaging, but rather their own skins, with many of the old-gentry descendants flocking to the banner of the ANC simply because they saw the NFA and its smaller forces (mainly consisting of the previously mentioned militarized police) as incapable of defeating the ANC (which held more of the armed forces). This combined with the loss of control over a large amount of their territories meant that the NFA could not sustain its debts for long, as interest payments would likely begin to eclipse other spending in the budget.
At their wits end, the NFA appealed to the KLoN for a comprehensive restructuring of their debts in order to avoid a total collapse which would likely lead to a massive humanitarian crisis. Although this seemed to have temporarily paid off and avoided the NFA from hitting the tipping point predicted to be at 2017 initially, the restructured debts still loomed heavily over Aractin. Although the NFA initially promised that the conflict would be over in a manner of months, which would allow Aractin to repay its debts, it is now evident that that promise was a bluff. While the restructuring pushed back the deadline to 2037, the continued loss over territories across Aractin and the declaration of Eilanah as a independent city for the time of the war massively cut down on the ability of the NFA to continue paying interest payments.
As it stands, the NFA will be expected to default on its interest payments by Q2 of 2030, should no intervention occur.
The NFA has once again sent out calls to the KLoN as well as prominent overseas bond holders to restructure its debts, though these calls seem to have mostly gone unheard, as the deadline over looms ever closer.

The ANC throughout this entire crisis has continued to maintain a policy of ambiguity on whether they would take up these debts upon a victory over the NFA, clearly as a move to avoid their own investors from panicking. Though the broad expectation from international creditors would be that the ANC would eventually take up those debts.

Starting from 2000, one nation seemed to unintentionally become entangled into the politics of Aractin through their loans, that being Sangley, while likely initial loans were simply standard operations, as the situation in Aractin grew worse, Sanglese bond buyers bought up larger and larger percentages of the Aractinite bonds, simply because no one else wished to buy them. Be it out of a severe misunderstanding of local politics or a broader plan to influence the region, as it stands, Aractin still holds around 50 billion (USD) in debt to Sanglese debt holders.

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Respondent: Neuerstaat
NPC: National Front for Aractin - Aractin Region

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RP: The Democratic Continuity Agreements

Nearly 40 days have now passed since the last report on the beginning of the Weixirstani Administrative Reform program, and the relationship between the Democratic Republic of Weixirstan and ironically enough the Corpo-Synarchist Federation of Gibbervoln has entered yet another unusual stage. What began as a temporary arrangement to most intended to stabilize a struggling government has gradually developed into something considerably more permanent, more so than what was thought of previously, as Gibbervolnian administrative offices now operating throughout much of the country's civilian bureaucracy and military command structure. Yet despite the increasingly direct involvement of the National Insynarch Directorate in the actual "machinery" of the Weixirstani state, the country's political system itself has remained formally intact, though debates still continue on for how actually genuine these claims might be. Elections continue to be held, parliament continues to meet and political parties continue to campaign for public support, much like any other typical in-direct democracy. Rather than attempting to immediately dismantle these institutions, Gibbervolnian officials have instead begun pursuing a considerably more subtle arrangement intended to ensure that Weixirstan's existing political system can continue functioning within the administrative framework that has gradually been constructed around it.

The first of these arrangements has become known as the "Democratic Continuity Agreements", a collection of agreements between major Weixirstani political parties, regional administrations, commercial organizations and various Gibbervolnian administrative and corporate institutions. Publicly, the main purpose and intentions of the agreements is relatively straightforward. Political organizations that had previously struggled with inconsistent administration, poor economic planning and limited access to technical expertise are now being offered direct access to Gibbervolnian specialists, industrial planners, financial institutions and administrative organizations capable of assisting them with the practical implementation of their policies, much like what's already been happening with existing Weixirstani State bureaus & offices. Parties are increasingly encouraged to cooperate with Gibbervolnian institutions when developing economic platforms, infrastructure proposals, industrial programs and governmental reforms, with the National Insynarch Directorate presenting the arrangement as a means of ensuring that political promises can actually be translated into functioning government programs & campaigns.

For many Weixirstani politicians, the arrangement has proven surprisingly attractive over the last few weeks. The previous political system had produced years of unstable coalitions, regional disputes and competing governmental priorities, with parties frequently possessing ambitious programs but lacking the administrative capacity necessary to implement them. Gibbervolnian institutions, by contrast, can now provide access to an enormous network of technical specialists, economic planners, industrial companies, infrastructure contractors and administrative personnel. A political party capable of enacting that it can cooperate effectively with these institutions therefore possess a considerable advantage when attempting to present itself as competent of governing. Several major parties have consequently begun establishing permanent liaison offices within Gibbervolnian administrative centers, while some have entered formal agreements with Gibbervolnian corporations to assist with infrastructure, industrial development, transportation and energy projects.

The most controversial component of the new system has nevertheless been the gradual replacement of older political representatives with individuals described as technocratic administrators, on top of the fact that for the most part right-wing Weixirstani parties had been the ones to implement Gibbervolnian administration due to similarly aligned political spectrums, leading many leftists & other observers to say that competing right-wing parties are receiving an unfair advantage over the leftist groups. Gibbervolnian officials have publicly insisted that these appointments remain the responsibility of Weixirstani political organizations themselves, and in many cases they technically are. Parties are increasingly selecting candidates with backgrounds in economics, engineering, public administration, logistics, military organization and industrial management, often with individuals who have received training through the administrative programs established during the previous phases of reform. And on the fact of unfair political advantages, the National Insynarch Directorate has also stated that technically all parties regardless of ideology are able to strike deals and receive support from Gibbervolnian administration & other specializations, and can't exactly be blamed for the surge of right-wing success if the other groups simply aren't taking the opportunity themselves. Many of these candidates have developed professional relationships with Gibbervolnian institutions long before entering politics, making them considerably more familiar with the new administrative system than many of the older political figures they are replacing.

The transformation has therefore occurred less through an explicit prohibition of existing politicians and more through a gradual change in what Weixirstani political organizations consider necessary for political success. Representatives who previously built their careers around regional interests, traditional party politics or ideological disputes are increasingly being replaced by individuals capable of working within the new administrative structure, of course originating heavily from Gibbervolnian influence. Political parties remain free to disagree with one another, but their economic programs increasingly depend upon access to the same Gibbervolnian institutions for funding, technical assistance and implementation. The differences between parties have consequently begun shifting away from fundamental disagreements over whether Gibbervolnian involvement should exist and toward disagreements over how that involvement should be used, with many additional debates fighting of over the idea of Gibbervoln inevitably trying to integrate Weixirstan as an outright satellite state, otherwise it just wouldn't have made any sense for a fiercely anti-democratic nation such as Gibbervoln to accept the request of administrative support.

The National Insynarch Directorate has described this development as evidence that Weixirstani democracy is becoming more effective rather than less independent, however. Directorate officials have repeatedly emphasized that elections have not been abolished, parliament has not been dissolved and political parties have not been formally replaced by Gibbervolnian organizations. Instead, they argue, the reforms have provided Weixirstan with the administrative capabilities necessary for its existing democratic institutions to actually function. The Federation has also presented the continued existence of political competition as a deliberate component of its strategy, claiming that effective administration does not require the immediate elimination of every institution inherited from previous governments. Nevertheless, the growing dependence of nearly every major political faction upon Gibbervolnian institutions has become increasingly difficult to ignore. Parties that oppose certain aspects of Gibbervolnian policy still require access to the same infrastructure networks, financial systems, industrial organizations and administrative personnel that support the broader state. Political campaigns increasingly rely upon economic data and administrative resources generated through Gibbervolnian-supported institutions, while regional governments depend upon infrastructure and development programs administered through the newly reorganized bureaucracy. Even political organizations openly critical of the Federation therefore find themselves operating within a system whose basic capabilities have been constructed around Gibbervolnian involvement.

This all ended up admittedly creating a very unusual political environment. Weixirstani democracy has not necessarily disappeared, but its political institutions are just slowly becoming integrated into a much larger administrative framework, all coming from the dominant power of the region that sits just north of the strait. Elections technically still determine which politicians occupy government offices, but the institutions those politicians inherit are increasingly standardized according to systems established through cooperation with Gibbervoln. Political parties continue competing for public support, yet their ability to govern increasingly depends upon their ability to cooperate with the same network of Gibbervolnian administrative and corporate institutions. The political system therefore remains traditionally competitive on the surface, and has even made significant progress in reducing the government's notorious inefficiency, while becoming increasingly interconnected underneath. For the National Insynarch Directorate, this arrangement represents a considerably more sustainable method of managing Weixirstan than attempting to directly administer every aspect of its government. The Federation does not need to appoint every local official or dictate every parliamentary debate if the institutions themselves increasingly depend upon Gibbervolnian systems to function. Native politicians can continue representing their constituents, regional governments can continue managing local affairs and elections can continue determining political leadership, while the underlying administrative structure remains increasingly synchronized with the Federation.

This arrangement has also created a growing group of Weixirstani politicians and administrators whose careers are directly connected to the continuation of Gibbervolnian cooperation. Their political success, economic programs and administrative capabilities are increasingly tied to institutions established during the reform period. Some openly describe this relationship as a partnership between two states with different political traditions, while others have privately acknowledged that withdrawing from the system would now be extraordinarily difficult. The more successful the reforms become, the more resources become dependent upon them, and the more resources become dependent upon them, the more politically difficult it becomes for any major faction to advocate returning to the previous system.

The Democratic Continuity Agreements therefore mark an important change in the relationship between Weixirstan and Gibbervoln. The Federation is no longer simply attempting to repair the Weixirstani state from outside. To many observers it is increasingly shaping the personnel, institutions and administrative expectations through which that state governs itself, setting up the stage for perhaps full Ideological conversion. Yet the process remains sufficiently gradual that the country's democratic traditions remain recognizable to its population. Parliament still exists. And with this arrangement becoming increasingly present, the National Insynarch Directorate has begun discussing an even more formal structure for the future of Weixirstan much to the dismay of the disagreeing political parties. Rather than continuing to describe Gibbervolnian involvement as a temporary assistance program, officials have reportedly begun referring to the country as a potential Strategic Administrative Protectorate, a designation intended to formalize the relationship between the two states while preserving Weixirstan's remaining domestic political institutions. The proposal would recognize Gibbervoln's existing responsibilities over national security, military coordination, strategic infrastructure, economic planning and administrative standards while allowing Weixirstan to retain responsibility for its internal political affairs.

The announcement has predictably produced even more debate throughout Weixirstan. Supporters argue that the arrangement would finally provide a legal framework for a relationship that has already existed in practice for months, while opponents fear that formally recognizing Gibbervolnian authority over the country's strategic institutions would make the loss of practical sovereignty permanent, again also fearing the idea of Weixirstan slowly falling to Insynarchism and authoritarianism as a Gibbervolnian Subordinate. Much of The National Insynarch Directorate has attempted to reassure the public that the proposed protectorate would not abolish elections or parliament, nor would it prevent Weixirstani institutions from maintaining control over ordinary domestic affairs. Under the proposed framework, the Weixirstani government would continue managing education, local administration, cultural policy, civilian legislation and other domestic matters, while Gibbervolnian institutions would assume formal responsibility for strategic national security, military coordination, major infrastructure, economic planning and broader administrative standards. The arrangement would effectively divide sovereignty into different functional areas, allowing Weixirstan to retain considerable authority over its internal political life while acknowledging that the most strategically important components of the state now operate within a broader Gibbervolnian framework.

The distinction is subtle, but increasingly important. Gibbervoln would not technically govern Weixirstan in the conventional sense. It would instead oversee the institutions responsible for keeping the country secure, economically functional and administratively coordinated. Weixirstani politicians would continue making laws, regional governments would continue managing local affairs and citizens would continue participating in elections. Yet the strategic foundations upon which those institutions depend would remain under the supervision of the National Insynarch Directorate. The proposal has continued to produce an uncomfortable question throughout the country. If Weixirstan remains democratic, but the systems responsible for national security, administration, economic planning and infrastructure are no longer entirely controlled by the government elected by Weixirstani citizens, where exactly does the country's sovereignty begin and end anymore?

For the moment, the Directorate and Supreme Synarch Gærléogyeth Fyīkorstein has no intention of directly or explicitly answering that question. Instead, officials have emphasized that the proposed Strategic Administrative Protectorate is intended to preserve Weixirstan's political traditions while providing the stability and administrative coordination that its previous governments struggled to maintain. Elections will continue. Parliament will continue. Weixirstan will continue to possess its own government. But after a solid few months of administrative integration, military reorganization and political restructuring, the relationship between the two states has become considerably more difficult to describe as ordinary foreign assistance.

Whitecandle wrote:

Varied Kalranian Nations - BORENENN // Neuerstaat
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Accent Guidebook

The Candaffan accent is weird. Here’s how to break it down back into something intelligible.
In the accent:
th is replaced by t’
b is replaced by p
d is replaced by t
v is replaced by ff
z is replaced by ʒ

g is replaced with ‘ if word ends in a g
r is replaced with ‘ if word ends in a r

y is replaced with ē

h is omitted if it’s followed by a vowel, but is left alone if it’s part of the consonant clusters “ch” or “sh”

Note: The Candaffan accent does not apply to Candaffan words or names.

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Context, In Response to Borenenn

TEXT

“‘ole in a spoon!”

High Lord Alonffē sighs while kicking into the Governor’s palm-colored wooden desk. The Warden, with arms crossed and thoracic spine propped against the wall, opened his jaw in tune. The air was still, apart from his soundwaves pushing the floating specks of dust aside. Beads of water from his still-saltwater-soaked hat flowed down his skull, following contours in bone.

“Wat to ēou want to to? Ēou shoult affe expectet somet'in’ like t'is, ant now WE affe to paē fo’ it again! Ēou were not t'e precetent fo’ ‘igh Lorts to run off ant to wateffe’ t'eē want. In t'ese changin’ times, anot'e’ contemnation is a pat look fo’ us. I to not see wē t'eē t'ink we are all pat, it is just ēou.” The Warden said accusingly, then mockingly.

Alonffē drops his head and begins chuckling.

“I ‘olt t'e Arnoc.” Alonffē’s fist closes, and suddenly, the Warden is no more. His clothing and hat immediately fell to the floor as if nothing was there to wear them. The Warden’s security rise up, and are just as similarly reduced to nothing. The Arnoc’s blinding blue shine ceases, and Alonffē looks back up with a grimace to the Warden standing on the other side of the office.

“. . . ant I holt t'e proof t'at ēou are too petrifiet to kill me.” Warden Tewota says, finishing what would have been his apparition’s response.

“Now, enough of t'e t'eatrics. T'is is a tire matte’, ant we neet to respont wit'out instigating more fea’ amon’ t'e Porenian people.”

“Ēou cannot pe mē superio’ . . . wen I am mē own superior.” Alonffē mumbles.

“Of course, put I can assume so wen I recognize t'at ēou ant t'ose pefore ēou ‘affe peen increasinglē paranoit ant unpretictaple. A tange’ to ot'ers, put ou’ own people too. Wit'out me, will t'e Realm liffe on? I t'ink so, ēes. Put, in t'e same waē we haffe peen trēin’ so ‘art to catch up to? I cast mē toupt. Ēou ‘affe much powe’, ēes, put it is rat'e’ necessarē t'at ēou to not misuse it . . . like ēou’ pretecesso’. I cannot prin’ mēself to trust one of t'e tark artists, knowin’ ēou’, aag, reputation.”

“Hmff. Unterstoot, Warten.” The Arnoc shines for a brief moment at the allusion to Soroc, but falters once Alonffē grumbles while watching Tewota kick himself forward, to then sit in the dusty chair. Alonffē doesn’t do anything.

“Now,” Tewota continues.

“I want t'is ‘ole incitent to pe resolffet quicklē. Mē first expectation is to giffe Porenenn a ‘alf-ēea’ to turn up wit' Goffernor Īhogutxu.”

Alonffē interjects,

“A ‘alf-ēea’ is too much time . . . ‘ow can we fullē entrust such a . . . collectiffe like Porenenn to fulfill t'ei’ opligation? I urge t'at we shoult estaplish a ‘art teatline of at t'e most, t'ree mont's. T'e last time a Gofferno’ went missin’, we pot' know wat ‘appenet to Lēamesca turin’ t'e followin’ t'irteen ēears. T'eē maē know of t'e consequences alreatē, fo’ effen if t'eē know wo I am, t'eē to not know wat I am.” The High Lord darkly promises, extending his arm out towards an unpowered lamp before hurling it across the office and straight through the wall using nothing but the air around it, like an unseen force was the culprit.

“‘igh Lort, If ēou tecite to proceet wit' takin’ Porenenn into ēou’ clutches if it arises, I cannot tell ēou wat I o’ t'e Realm woult pe aple to to. I am confitent in ēou’ apilitē to force Porenenn into compliance. ‘oweffe’, if we lose ēou o’ t'e Arnoc, nopotē woult pe aple to tell wat will ‘appen if t'eē get a ‘olt of it. If ēou fight, we will ‘affe to sent a force out. Not to ‘elp ēou, put to pull ēou out. If we must, we will remoffe ēou of ēou’ aut'oritē. T'ere is no ill-intention peint it, put we neet to estaplish a precetent t'at Witecantle is fo’ t'e pette’, ant I will not let ēou act intepententlē of worlt affairs. ‘ence, wē I am proposin’ t'at we must plaē from a tistance.”

Tewota then sighs.

“We are not infiltratin’ Porenenn, ant we are not goin’ to risk ‘affin’ t'eir porters shut. Tell t'em on account of Witecantle t'at t'eē ‘affe six mont's to locate ant prin’ pack Gofferno’ Īhogutxu, ant t'at is a final tecision. Giffe t'em a reasoning as to wē we neet six mont's; t'is is a ‘igh-profile figure, at least accorting to ēou, t'at is. To not giffe anē mention of consequence, we will reconffene on such a possipilitē at t'e late’ tate. If ēou tecite to act of ēou’ own ffolition, t'en I will pe forcet to interffene against ēou, aēe? . . . If ‘e ant ‘is power are not surfacet pē mitnight of t'e final taē, re-summon me, ant t'e ‘igh Council as well.”

“I statet t'e issue offe’ a six-mont' timeframe alreatē. We cannot trust Porenenn! I ‘affe experience in t'e region, ant I know t'at t'eē are of ill-capacitē to accomplish. Orterin’ t'em to ‘unt fo’ Gofferno’ Īhogutxu wit'out anē outsite superffision is simplē impossiple. We must set an earlē teatline fo’ such a gofferno’!”

“Six mont's is final. Use t'e goffernor’s phone, ant tell Porenenn.”

“Aēe, Warten.” Alonffē raises his hands to his crown, and after a blinding light flash, Tewota is again no more.

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In Response to Borenenn

Contact with the President of Borenenn has been established. In brief message from the High Lord, but later reworded by the High Council as the accessible version, reads,

The Realm will allot a strict six-month investigation into Governor Īhogutxu, free of further prying and scrutiny in complete trust that the Free State is capable in ability and thoroughness to fulfill its obligations, that is, of locating and making word on such location and status.

The ongoing occupation unfolding in Greater Iolanta still has yet to be directly addressed by Whitecandle in a public announcement. In recent on-the-ground interviews, Candlemen of the Independent Republic generally expressed mixed-to-negative views on the situation, while Thambulers expressed very negative views. Both groups expressed strong disdain when asked for opinions on the High Lord . . . however, Candlemen in asgēlō (lit. dark arts), arguably the highest religious echelon one can be in, expressed unwavering support for the High Lord.

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Goralandia

Upon Goran request of retaining two bases within the Realm, the Warden had released a short statement regarding such,

On behalf of the Realm, we are most thrilled to continue our cooperation. Yet much to our dismay, due to the recent activity in the ongoing conflicts plaguing Aractin, we are not willing to accept retention along Greater Iolanta, and any of its associated islands, over complications regarding external influence.

However, the Realm is willing to permit two bases at Nix, Lesser Iolanta, and Cobitxea, Indego. If only both bases are recognized as joint, then effective immediately, both would be classified as and operate as such, hosting both Goran and Candleman presences. We are optimistic that such cooperation between the Realm and Goralandia will continue to persist well beyond into the future, proving results in especially the decrease of pirating and illegal smuggling, among other illegal ventures.

Otherwise, approved.

Internal dialogue among Whitecandle’s elites began spreading of a hypothesized militaristic alliance, though nothing has yet to surface from it. Even though an alliance at this time may be necessary in regards to the increasing tension and volatility of world affairs, those in Whitecandle still hold ties to past experience in black market trading and mercenary work. Even then, these same Candlemen are wary that a foot-in-the-door offered by the Warden may lead to Goralandia exercising disciplinary action and even direct conflict against those once involved many years ago, or even recently before being stomped down by the Warden.

RP: Legacy of a War between Brothers

The Goran Government would accept the terms offered by Whitecandle. Many in Goventry would view the willingness to host two jointly operated bases as a sign that the Candlemen were ready to move forward with Goralandia in a frame of cooperation. This would assuage concerns that lingering resentment would inevitably facilitate future discord between the two great nations of the Kalysith.

The Gorans would request permission to name one bases Joint Base Tortoise and the other Joint Base Candle in a symbolical spirit of unity not simply between the two nations but notably their militaries.

The Gorans would further propose a formal intelligence sharing agreement wherein both sides would be obliged to share all intelligence pertaining to their mutual security and that of their nationals across Kalrania. This would include perceived global threats ranging from terrorism, trafficking, or foreign aggression. This proposed agreement would be referred to as the Kalysith Treaty Organization (KTO). With provisions for future changes and potential expansions of both organizational commitments and countries being included.

If accepted the leadership of Whitecandle would be informed of a formal invitation to sign the agreement in Goventry. Alternatively one of the joint bases would be floated as a location for a signing ceremony.